Dunghill
El Financiero, July 16th, 2025
As you know, on Friday morning, Ovidio Guzmán pleaded guilty to drug trafficking and introducing fentanyl into the United States. He did so as part of a plea deal with the prosecutor to obtain a lighter sentence in exchange for information. His lawyer stated at a press conference that he found it inappropriate for Claudia Sheinbaum to insist on the Mexican government’s participation in the trial, in which the only two parties are Ovidio and the United States. He also mentioned that, after the Cienfuegos case—where the U.S. extraordinarily agreed to hand over the former Secretary of Defense to be tried in Mexico, only for him to be immediately exonerated—there is no reason to trust the Mexican government.
Inexplicably, Sheinbaum responded to the lawyer. This is absurd, because the president of Mexico (presidenta, in this case) cannot elevate just anyone to the level of interlocutor. That’s what a vast administrative structure is for. The response should have come (as it eventually did, hours later) from a lower-level official in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Sheinbaum’s response was further aggravated by the fact that it was made in Sinaloa, beside Governor Rocha Moya—who has been accused by “El Mayo” of participating in his kidnapping and in the murder of his political rival, Héctor Melesio Cuén, on the same day. Ovidio’s lawyer took the opportunity to say that Sheinbaum was acting as the PR agent for the cartels, not as the honest leader Mexico deserves.
In recent days, Sheinbaum had insisted that the United States present evidence for the accusations it has made, but she forgets that Genaro García Luna was convicted without any solid evidence—only the testimony of repentant criminals, like Ovidio now, and very likely “El Mayo” himself. Since the García Luna trial, there have been similar accusations—mere hearsay—against López Obrador. The judge dismissed them at the time for being irrelevant to that case, but apparently they continue to be considered by U.S. agencies and other courts.
Ovidio, for the record, is the same person López Obrador released in 2019 after he was detained by special forces who failed to receive the agreed-upon logistical support. In 2023, he was captured again and extradited nine months later. Another nine months after that came the event involving “El Mayo” and Joaquín Guzmán—whether a transfer, kidnapping, or capture is still unclear. Just a few weeks later, the war for Sinaloa began, centered in Culiacán. Two months ago, seventeen members of Ovidio and Joaquín’s family surrendered to U.S. authorities at the border. These young people seem intent on retiring from the business while salvaging whatever they can. The war against “Los Mayos” is being led by Ovidio’s half-brother, Iván Archibaldo, who apparently has allied with the CJNG in order to survive.
While there appear to be no governmental advances in this matter, there has been progress in uncovering the illegal trafficking of gasoline and diesel. It is now known that tens of millions of liters are moved via ships, trains, and trucks—though those responsible for this vast business have yet to be named. For decades, part of this fuel originated in Salamanca, but in recent years, the hub appears to have shifted to Tamaulipas.
Finally, it has become public that during Adán Augusto López’s administration in Tabasco, his public security chief was simultaneously leading the criminal group that controlled the state—“La Barredora.” We’ve known for years about other prominent officials in Congress and other governors with similar connections, but their hopping from one position of legal immunity to another has kept them safe.
This is a brief summary, but I think it suffices to give a sense of what’s happening in Mexico today. Never before has the government been the dunghill it is now. Never has it been so vulnerable. And it’s been a long time since we’ve faced such a serious external threat. There’s no way to make forecasts.